Just to start this part some ideas on Italy warfare beforehand... "Hitler's decision on the defense of Italy falls into the category of decisions made by a chief of state acting as commander in chief of the state's armed forces. In his decision on a counteroffensive through the Ardennes, [1] he overruled his military advisers; in his decisions on the defense of Italy, he chose between the conflicting recommendations of the two commanders best qualified to advise him. The decision not to yield southern Italy after the Anglo-American invasion in September 1943 led to some of the bloodiest battles of the war. The Rapido River, Monte Cassino, and Anzio left an indelible imprint on the history of World War II. These battles became necessary when Hitler reversed an earlier decision to withdraw his forces to the northern Apennines. He had decided not to defend southern and central Italy while the Allies were fighting on Sicily, and when he already had reason to expect that the Italian Government, no longer directed by his Axis partner, would switch its allegiance from Germany to the Allies; he reversed himself only after Marshal Pietro Badoglio's government had defected from the Axis and the Allies had established their lodgment in southern Italy. Not until almost a month after the Allies invaded the Italian mainland did Hitler make a final decision on the defense of Italy. His indecision reflected a conflict between two alternative courses of action, each proposed by a field marshal-on the one hand, Field Marshal Erwin Rommel, who was convinced that the Germans could and should hold only northern Italy; on the other, Field Marshal Albert Kesselring, who was persuaded that a defense south of Rome was not only possible but also advisable. Hitler never seriously considered evacuating all of Italy. In addition to giving up the resources of the Po Valley, withdrawal from Italy would have meant placing Allied armies on the southern border of Germany. Though the Alps provided an obstacle to invasion, the Allies would be able to establish air bases within easy striking distance of south and central Germany, and northern Italy would give the Allies an ideal staging area for amphibious operations against southern France or southeastern Europe. Withdrawal to the Alps might also suggest to Hungary and other Balkan satellites that they too could disengage from the none-too-popular war; finally, withdrawal from Italy might easily have adverse effects on Turkey's neutrality. Similar and stronger arguments existed against evacuating Greece. A natural optimist and political idealist whose Italophile views prevented him from a realistic appraisal of the Italian scene, Kesselring had, partly for this reason, not been taken into Hitler's confidence on plans to deal with Italy's possible defection. Kesselring was convinced that Italy would continue the war and that the Italian Army, though weak, would fight side by side with German troops. Hitler's distrust of the Italians was repugnant to Kesselring, and plans for the evacuation of southern Italy seemed to him less than necessary. Not only did he object strongly to Rommel's ideas concerning Italy and the Italians, but he resented the fact that while his own influence with Hitler had declined, Rommel's had increased. Kesselring's view was that all of Italy could and should be defended, even if Sicily had to be given up. On 1 August 1943 OKW issued a new and revised version of the plan to take over the country. Assigned the code name ACHSE, the plan recognized the danger to German troops in Italy that would come about from Italian defection and Allied landings on the Italian mainland. There were as yet no strong German forces in northern Italy and Rommel's headquarters was still in Munich. German forces in southern and central Italy and on Sicily had been increased to eight divisions. Of these, three divisions and part of a fourth were fighting on Sicily, one division was located on Sardinia, and an SS brigade occupied Corsica. At this time it was believed that Italian "treachery" could isolate all the German forces in southern and central Italy as well as those fighting on Sicily. Hitler, Rommel, and the OKW feared that Allied forces might attempt an amphibious operation against northern Italy, while strong Italian forces there might attempt to block the Alpine and Apennine passes. Even more likely seemed a landing near Rome where five Italian divisions could assist Allied operations, thereby cutting off all German troops south of the capital. Allied operations against Calabria and Apulia were equally possible; so was an invasion of Sardinia as a prelude to further operations against northern Italy or southern France, for which the airfields on the island would make fighter cover possible. An invasion of Calabria with or without Italian cooperation would cut off German forces fighting on Sicily, while the air bases at Foggia in Apulia would simplify Allied operations against the Balkans. A landing in the Naples-Salerno area was not seriously considered during the first days of August because other areas seemed to offer greater tactical and strategic advantages to the Allies. [13] Moreover, a large-scale invasion of the Italian mainland was not thought likely, except by prior agreement with Italy to utilize opportunities which that country's defection might bring about. The strategic goal of the Allies was thought to be the Balkans and not primarily Italy. In this, all responsible German generals and military advisers of Hitler, including Kesselring, Rommel, and Admiral Karl Doenitz, agreed. On 17 July Hitler had informed the Commander-in-Chief Navy, Admiral Doenitz, that "at present it appears that the next enemy landing will be attempted there [in the Balkans]. It is as important to reinforce the Balkans as it is to hold Italy." [14] The reasoning behind the opinion that the Balkans were more immediately threatened than the Italian mainland included political, economic, and military factors. Placing himself in the position of the Allies, a spokesman for the OKW argued that a campaign in Italy would meet with the immediate and strong reaction of German-Italian forces which could utilize the extensive and functioning network of communications to counter any Allied move. In Greece, on the other hand, all Axis reinforcements and supplies would have to be shipped over the one existing railroad line of limited capacity, 1300 kilometers long, and vulnerable to attack both from the air and by partisans. Political repercussions on Germany's southeastern allies, Hungary and Rumania, would be likely, while Allied pressure might persuade Turkey to give up her neutral status. Proximity of the Balkans to the vital Rumanian oil-fields and Germany's economic dependence on the bauxite, copper, and other economic resources of the southeast were further reasons for fearing an invasion of that region. Under the impact of the Italian change of government and the increased danger of concerted action by Italy and the Allies, Hitler approved the plan to withdraw to the northern Apennines. Although he was always reluctant to give up ground without fighting "to the end," it is possible that his recent experiences at Stalingrad and in Tunisia had momentarily inclined him to be less rigid. Both times he had listened to the advice of optimists. For Italy, he listened to Rommel, who had learned to be more cautious. Hitler's disregard of Kesselring's views and the knowledge that Rommel was eventually to succeed him in command prompted Kesselring to submit his resignation on 14 August. Hitler refused to accept it. Hitler's strategy in Italy on the eve of the Allied invasion can be summarized as follows. As long as Italy at least outwardly maintained the alliance, German troops in southern Italy were to execute a fighting withdrawal from the tip of Calabria; they were to hold the Naples-Salerno area to secure vital routes of communications to the north; only weak German units were to assist the Italians in Apulia. Deployment of all troops in southern Italy was to be such that lines of communications to the north were secured. As soon as Italy surrendered, the overriding consideration would become the safety of German troops in southern Italy and their best chance of survival was seen in a well-organized withdrawal to central Italy where all troops under Kesselring would be assembled in preparation for a final withdrawal to the northern Apennines. It is a matter of conjecture when Hitler first entertained the idea that a more permanent defense of the Bernhard Line would serve Germany's greater strategic interests in the Balkans and in France. The belief that the Balkans remained the strategic goal of the Allies was still held throughout September and October. On 15 September Kesselring informed OKW that he expected the next Allied attack to be launched, not against central or northern Italy, but against the Balkans after the air bases at Foggia had been taken. [40] Similar ideas were expressed by the Armed Forces Operations Staff of OKW, by Admiral Doenitz, by Rommel, and by Hitler himself. Kesselring and Doenitz believed that a prolonged defense of southern Italy would delay an Allied attack against the Balkans, while the Armed Forces Operations Staff was of the opinion that withdrawal to the Apennines north of Rome would save three to four divisions which would be needed to reinforce the Balkans against the increased danger of an invasion. [41] Kesselring thought it of utmost importance to deny the Allies the undisputed possession of a staging area against the Balkans. Also a defensive line in the south would keep Allied bombers farther from southern Germany and the Po Valley, thus making strategic bombing more difficult. The Bernhard Line could be held with 11 divisions, including 2 mobile divisions in reserve on both flanks to prevent amphibious flanking operations, while estimates for holding the Apennine line in the north ranged from 13 to 20 divisions. [42] Defending the Bernhard Line would enable German forces to execute a delaying action including, if necessary, a withdrawal to the northern Apennines. Immediate withdrawal, on the other hand, would endanger the vital Po Valley, for once the Allies breached the Apennine line, no terrain suitable for defense was available short of the Alps. An additional advantage, in the eyes of Kesselring, lay in the possession of Rome. To prevent the Allies from occupying this city, he argued, would deny them the opportunity to exploit this fact for propaganda purposes. Finally, holding the Bernhard Line would make it possible for the German Army to execute a counteroffensive against Apulia, in case Allied preparations for an attack against the Balkans resulted in a withdrawal of Allied forces from the Italian front. The latter argument probably had considerable impact on Hitler, for later in October he summoned both Kesselring and Rommel to his headquarters to hear them express their views on the feasibility of a counteroffensive. [43] The arguments presented to Hitler in favor of a northern stand were less dramatic, but probably equally valid. Rommel may have overestimated the amphibious capabilities of the Allies and he felt that a line too far south represented a great danger for which he would not want to assume responsibility, even though he admitted that the Bernhard Line could be held with half the divisions necessary in the northern Apennines. On 17 September Hitler informed Kesselring that he approved his plan for a slow withdrawal northward and indicated that it was important to hold the Bernhard Line "for a longer period of time." By 6 November Hitler had the draft of two orders in front of him, one appointing Rommel, the other appointing Kesselring. On that date, he signed the latter with its detailed instructions regarding the defense of Italy which affirmed that "the Bernhard Line will mark the end of withdrawals."Hitler had made the final decision regarding the strategy to be followed in the defense of Italy. Rommel was transferred out of the theater on 21 November and Army Group B discontinued as an active command, while Kesselring's command, now comprising the entire Italian theater, was re-designed Commander-in-Chief Southwest and Army Group C. Hitler's decision to hold and defend the Bernhard Line set the stage for the bloody battles of the Rapido River, Monte Cassino, and Anzio. Without Hitler's decision to reappraise the strategic defense of Italy, these places probably would have fallen to the Allies after light skirmishes or perhaps even unopposed. Kesselring's capable leadership made the decision pay off at least in time gained. Ironically enough, Hitler decided to hold the Bernhard Line primarily to prevent the Allies from going into the Balkans. The Allies had no intention of going there, although rapid conquest of southern and central Italy might have tempted them into such a venture. http://www.army.mil/cmh-pg/books/70-7_12.htm
The next move? Eisenhower's staff considered three primary courses of action. U.S. planners wanted to move from Sicily through Corsica and Sardinia into southern France. This option would support the cross-Channel invasion by engaging Axis forces in southern France, but might not drive Italy out of the war. British planners favored a thrust through Italy into the Adriatic area to support partisans in the Balkans, bring Turkey into the war on the Allied side, and shorten the lend-lease route to Russia. The third option, a thrust up the Italian peninsula, would tie down German forces, provide airfields for attacks on Germany and the Balkans, and probably force Italy out of the war. The latter course would remove twenty-nine Italian divisions from the Balkans and five from France, thus requiring Germany to provide troops to replace the Italian garrison divisions. The visit of Churchill and Army Chief of Staff General George C. Marshall to Eisenhower late in May eliminated the Adriatic option. With a final decision delayed, Eisenhower designated two separate headquarters to work on plans for operations after Sicily. One was to plan for an invasion of the Italian mainland, the other for an invasion of Sardinia. The invasion of Sicily on 10 July exceeded the Allies' most optimistic expectations. Their forces suffered lighter than expected casualties and made significant progress in the first week of the campaign. On the basis of Allied successes and reports of the Italian Army's disintegration, General Marshall on 16 July proposed a bold initiative to seize the port of Naples and the airfields at Foggia, some fifty miles northeast, followed by a drive on Rome. The concept was codenamed AVALANCHE. Eisenhower's staff believed that an attack by the British Eighth Army across the Strait of Messina and into the Calabria area (Operation BAYTOWN) was a logical follow-on to HUSKY. Allied resolve to attack the Italian mainland was strengthened by the 25 July 1943 announcement that King Victor Emmanuel III had removed Benito Mussolini from power and appointed Marshal Pietro Badoglio to replace him. Eisenhower made his final decision on 16 August. The British Eighth Army would attack across the Strait of Messina between 1 and 4 September and tie down forces which might otherwise be used to oppose an amphibious assault farther north. Approximately one week later, on 9 September, Lt. Gen. Mark Clark's ------ As an essential first step, the Allies began on June 1st a major bombing offensive against Italian targets, starting with a round the clock bombardment from the air of the island of Pantelleria, midway between Tunisia and Sicily. This tremendous air attack on the island, which brought down some 6,500 tons of bombs on the 12,000 defenders (and the 10,000 civilians they were supposed to be defending), culminated in a landing on June 11th, and surrender by the Italian commander Admiral Pavesi on June 12th. On the same day, a hapless Sergeant pilot in the Royal Air Force, Sergeant Cohen, earned his place in history by capturing an enemy garrison single-handed. He made a forced landing on Lampedusa, a small island off Sicily, and the Italian defenders, seeing the arrival of the dreaded Allies of whom they had heard so much, surrendered without enquiring the reason for his visit. ----- The Germans The German Tenth Army, commanded by General Heinrich von Vietinghoff, was established on 8 August to facilitate Kesselring's control of operations. Its 45,000 men had the mission of defending the heel of Italy and evacuating Calabria (the toe) when the Allies attacked. In conjunction with the Italian Seventh Army, Vietinghoff had three German divisions to hold the Naples-Salerno area and secure routes of withdrawal to Rome. The Hermann Goering Division was on the Naples plain, the 15th Panzer Grenadier Division was to its north, and the 16th Panzer Division had responsibility for defending the Salerno area to the south. ------ At 0430 on 3 September, the British Eighth Army initiated BAYTOWN, crossing the Strait of Messina against light resistance. The Badoglio government, in response to an Allied ultimatum, signed a secret armistice agreement that same day. On 8 September 1943, formal announcement of the Italian surrender was made, and German units moved quickly to disarm their former allies and assume responsibility for defense of the entire peninsula. The next day, in a hastily planned operation named SLAPSTICK, and by prior agreement with the Italians, 3,600 men of the British 1st Paratroop Division landed unopposed at the port of Taranto in the Italian heel. The main effort in the invasion of the Italian mainland was to take place at Salerno a few days later Italy´s part in the axis force was over: On 3 September, the British 8th Army launched its landing at Reggio di Calabria under covering fire from a massive armada of artillery and with extremely heavy air force support. But the blow did not strike anything, as the 29th Panzergrenadier Division had withdrawn from the coast. Not a single shot was fired by the Italian side. The German formations retreated as planned to the line Catanzaro-Nicastro. Even if there was no immediate threat to this front sector of the 10th Army at this time, the overall situation was still critical. At 1845 hours on the evening of 8 September, Marshal Badoglio announced on the radio that Italy had concluded an armistice with the Allies ; he did not combine this with any directives to the Italian troops. At 2000 hours, the OKW gave the codeword Axis. The German formations acted with exemplary efficiency, as quick as lightning and with determination. In Italy, Southern France and Balkans, the formations of the Axis partner were disarmed, sent home or interned without much difficulty. The word put out by the Germans that the war was over rapidly led to the disbandment of the Italian Army. It was a shocking end to a common struggle lasting three years, embarrassing for the German troops involved in the action and bitter and humiliating for Germany's former comrade-in-arms. The Italians' vehicles, equipment and valuable stores were taken over by the German troops. Only 45 000 Italian soldiers on Sardinia and 85 000 on Corsica escaped disarmament. Sardinia was evacuated by German troops on 19 September, Corsica on 3rd October. In this situation, the Allies landed at two more points in Italy on 9 September. Near Taranto, a british airborne division went ashore, faced only by weak elements of the German 1st Parachute Division, which were able to conduct a successful defence despite their being outnumbered. Far more dangerous, however, was the landing by the American 5th Army in the Gulf of Salerno on a width of 30km, where the 16th Panzer Division was employed in strongpoints between Salerno and the Sele River. South of the Sele, the Americans were able to reach the heights, but north of the river the first elements of the Panzer Division Hermann Göring, approaching from the Naples aera, were able to contain the enemy thrust. The German forces were too weak to mount an immediate counterattack, and even if the 26th Panzer Division and the 29th Panzergrenadier Division of 76th Panzer Corps did manage to conduct an orderly withdrawal from Calabria without heavy losses, the fact remains that, as a result of lack of fuel, they arrived on the battlefield 24 hours too late to smash the enemy - who was advancing at an incredibly slow pace - in the bridgehead. Nevertheless, the German counterattack launched on 14 September almost achieved its objective, which would have been an enormous prestige success for the German side, but the Americans also did not want to run the risk of a defeat, and so the German attack perished once and for all in a hail of steel on 16 September. --------
